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«ANSA Alternatives to Neo-liberalism in Southern Africa The search for Sustainable human development in Southern Africa Editors: Godfrey Kanyenze, ...»

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6) Exploit all flexibilities that the Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) of the WTO provides for - including refusal of the patenting of life-forms, sui generis legislation to protect indigenous seeds and knowledge systems, and technology transfer - and in this context demand of southern African governments to implement the OAU model law to protect indigenous knowledge, bio-diversity and communal ownership in line with the Convention on BioDiversity (CBD).

7) Demand that the governments of the region take immediate steps to compulsorily licence the production of 15 or 20 basic drugs that are urgently neee

FOOD FOR THOUGHT

Box 10 At the global level: some immediate actions to counter capitalled globalisation (continued) needed to combat preventable or curable diseases such as AIDs, malaria and tuberculosis, and during the transition period whilst production facilities for these drugs are being put in place, use the flexibility provided for in the TRIPS to undertake parallel importation of the drugs from countries such as Brazil and India that produce them.

8) Demand of their Governments that they should put the protection of the livelihood of millions of peasants, and the food security of the region, upfront in the agricultural negotiations under the WTO, Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) and the African Growth and Opportunities Act (AGOA) rather than prioritising the seeking of market access for a few rich commercial farmers and industrialists in the region.

9) Stop Southern African governments to negotiate on the remaining three “Singapore issues” (Competition policy, Investment Policy, and Public Procurement; the issue of Trade Facilitation was lost in the negotiations in July 2004 in Geneva) in the WTO and in the EPAS because these would effectively undermine all policy options governments have on critical development issues.

10) Organise the people of the region (workers, women, youth, civil society, the private sector and the parliaments) in defence of the regional unity of the original SADC countries that are now fragmented under parallel negotiations between the European Union and “SADC” (which excludes Zimbabwe, Zambia, Malawi and Mauritius), and “ESA” (which is an odd mix of the four countries from southern Africa, and several countries from the eastern African region). This is a mal-development or “perverse regionalism” that is taking place right in front of our eyes. If this process is not halted and reversed then the people of southern Africa face the prospect of two divided and possibly competing African subregions in “partnership” agreements with the EU.

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